Safeguarding Indonesia’s National Security: A Comprehensive Strategy Amidst Rising Challenges from China

 Major Kresna Hendra Wibawa / Flight 17 / NS-601E Final Essay / 12 December 2023

        “To form a government of the state of Indonesia which shall protect all the people of Indonesia and all the independence and the land that has been struggled for, and to improve public welfare., participate toward establishing a world order based on freedom, perpetual peace, and social justice.” The Preamble of Indonesia’s Constitution clearly states the objectives and the statutes of the Government and State of Indonesia.[1] The Indonesian government's primary goal is to prioritize Indonesia's sovereignty and prosperity while actively engaging in promoting global peace. The founder of the Indonesian nation formulated noble aspirations, but their realization is not as straightforward as inscribing them on paper; instead, it is fraught with numerous challenges and obstacles since Indonesia is and continues to stand alongside other nations whose ideals and interests are to glorify their peoples. Presently, one of the nations whose behavior is beginning to resemble aggression is China, which is expanding in every sector and poses a potential threat to the nation’s ideals. Consequently, to safeguard Indonesia’s national security, a well-defined strategy is required to counter China’s threats via diplomacy, information, military, and economics and consider cross-theater risk.

            Territorial integrity, economic security, regional stability, and national identity are overarching objectives that transcend the need to counterbalance or counteract China’s regional power. Indonesia is a nation undergoing development, presenting many internal and external challenges. The preservation of territorial integrity has emerged as a critical component in advancing the principal aim of the national security strategy, owing to Indonesia’s abundant natural resources that can be effectively harnessed for the country’s benefit. Furthermore, guaranteed economic security will improve Indonesian citizens' standard of living and ensure the economy's efficient functioning. More critically, by ensuring regional stability, we can ensure that the government’s attention remains on the comprehensive development of Indonesia. On top of that, Indonesia must exhibit its national identity as a nation committed to peace and global responsibility.

            Effective diplomacy can build a coalition against potential threats, as diplomatic warriors used to do when persuading other countries to acknowledge Indonesia’s independence and sovereignty. Diplomatic ties between Indonesia and China, which had existed since Indonesia’s inception, had been completely severed as a result of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) incitement of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) to execute the coup attempt in 1960.[2] The diplomatic commotion between the two countries has gradually diminished over time, and they are increasingly dependent on one another; this has been especially true during the current administration of President Joko Widodo. However, this does not imply that the Chinese are sincere regarding cooperation and mutual regard—a series of belligerent Chinese incursions into Indonesian territorial water in the Northern Natuna Sea support this. This makes China a highly regarded country as a real threat to Indonesia. Indonesia realizes its power is inferior to China. Therefore, diplomatic action is the most effective response to the threat. Indonesia should strengthen and actively participate in regional organizations, notably the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and use international platforms to voice concerns. Regional state dialogue, cooperation, and agreement-making are methods that can be employed to fortify regional relations progressively.

            Information technology can be utilized to counter the peril posed by China. However, we must first determine how China responds to recent information developments. China has a dedicated department for disseminating propaganda, under which a specific division is responsible for creating propaganda targeted at international audiences.[3] Indeed, their broadcasting possesses a distinct China-centric perspective, and their primary objective is to convey the favored narrative of China.[4] And they believe that journalistic freedom can jeopardize their ideology.[5] Therefore, Indonesia must thoroughly investigate the veracity of Chinese information before accepting it. Indonesia should bolster its cyber defenses, counter disinformation campaigns, and engage in strategic communication initiatives to influence international perceptions and safeguard national interests considering the importance of information warfare. Investment in cybersecurity, intelligence capabilities, and strategic communication initiatives are vital to counter informational threats. Building a resilient information infrastructure will help protect Indonesia’s national narrative and counter adversarial influence. However, China’s potential response could consist of cyberattacks that aim to compromise sensitive data and disrupt critical infrastructure.

            The military dimension may also be employed as a strategic approach to confront the threat posed by China, albeit not explicitly, due to the contrasting positions taken by Indonesian and Chinese powers. Unprecedented increases in military spending by major powers during peacetime spanning twenty-five years demonstrate that China’s leaders value military might.[6]

China has enhanced its maritime capabilities, including its nuclear arsenal, to assert sovereignty over contested territory in the South China Sea.[7] Therefore, Indonesia must bolster its military capacities, explicitly strengthening its marine and aerial defensive capabilities. Enhancing deterrence capabilities against foreign threats will be achieved by investments in sophisticated naval and air assets, as well as through the implementation of joint exercises and training programs. However, as highlighted by John Mearsheimer in his book The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, there exists a phenomenon known as a “security dilemma” whereby enhancing the security of one nation can lead to a reduction in the security of another.[8] This leads to the assumption that Indonesia is a threat to China.

            The final instrument that can be employed is leveraging the economy as a strategic approach in response to China. China is implementing several programs, including the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The BRI’s principal goal is to link China with its neighbors; eighty-two nations have already signed on.[9] As a result of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China has transformed into a major donor, offering loans to nations who pledge to construct the infrastructure that China has promised. However, similar to what transpired in Venezuela, which led to massive losses for that country, it is actually a debt trap.[10] Indonesia, being a signatory to the BRI and currently receiving financial loans from China for the development of a high-speed train and infrastructure in the new capital, should be fully cognizant of the adverse circumstances that have negatively impacted other nations receiving similar assistance. Utilizing economic instruments involves diversifying trade partnerships, investing in strategic industries, and creating a resilient economic foundation. This approach will reduce dependency on any single nation, making Indonesia less susceptible to economic coercion. Allocating resources to critical infrastructure projects, technological innovation, and economic diversification will contribute to long-term economic security.

            Notwithstanding the all-encompassing strategies, geopolitical fluctuations, economic susceptibilities, and potential military confrontations all pose inherent dangers. It is critical to identify these hazards and implement effective mitigation measures. Given the interconnected nature of global security, Indonesia should participate in regional security frameworks and agreements. Collaborative efforts with ASEAN, the United Nations, and other regional organizations can provide a platform for collective security response. It would be important to establish crisis management protocols with neighboring nations. These protocols should include communication channels, conflict resolution mechanisms, and joint exercises to address potential crises and prevent unintended escalations.

            In conclusion, safeguarding Indonesia’s national security interests in the face of potential threats from China requires a comprehensive strategy using all elements of power while not disregarding cross-theater risk. The objectives outlined in Indonesia’s constitution, emphasizing territorial integrity, economic security, regional stability, and national identity, serve as guiding principles in formulating this strategy. The pursuit of these objectives involves diplomatic, informational, military, and economic instruments, each tailored to address the unique challenges presented by China’s evolving behavior. While the path to realizing these aspirations is fraught with complexities, including diplomatic intricacies, information warfare, military posturing, and economic dependencies, Indonesia must navigate these challenges with prudence. Through effective diplomacy, bolstered information defenses, a credible military deterrent, and economic diversification, Indonesia can assert its interests in the face of potential threats. However, recognizing the interconnected nature of global security, proactive participation in regional security framework, and establishing crisis management protocols are vital for mitigating risks and fostering collective security responses. Indonesia’s commitment to a balanced and principled approach will not only secure its national interest but also contribute to establishing a global order based on freedom, perpetual peace, and social justice.

           

  

NOTES

I want to thank our National Security Instructor, Dr. Ronald Dains, and all the students of Flight 17 for their thoughtful comments and suggestions. All errors found therein are my own.

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[1] Constitution of Indonesia, 1945.

[2] Shambaugh, D. China and the World (Oxford University Press, 2020), 8.

[3] Ibid, 99.

[4] Ibid, 145.

[5] Document 9: A China File Translation (2013), 5.

[6] Haddick, R. Fire on the Water: China, America, and the future of the Pacific (2nd ed.) (Naval Institute Press, 2022), 83.

[7] Ibid, 16. 

[8] Mearsheimer, J. J. The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (W. W. Norton & Company, 2003), 35.

[9] Shambaugh. China and the World, 125.

[10] Ibid, 132.