Major Dolly J. P. Hutagalung/Flight 13/NS-600E Midterm/October 10th, 2023
In the past century, only a handful of nations have held the superpower title, and the United States (U.S.) is the sole survivor. The U.S. maintains its regional hegemony by aligning its national interests with most of the international community. However, it is not uncommon for the national interests of one nation to intersect with those of other nations. The U.S. requires prudent and continual planning to protect its national interests while being a global leader, as noted in the 2022 U.S. National Security Strategy (NSS). The NSS states that the U.S. national interests aspire to produce a better future, meaning a free, open, safe, and prosperous world.[i] The U.S. also uses the NSS as a foundation for establishing international relations with other nations and international organizations. This essay will assess the U.S. NSS for 2022 from a liberal standpoint, using diplomatic, economic, and military lenses.
From
a liberal perspective, the NSS use diplomacy to enhance international
cooperation by promoting democratic systems. States must be diplomatically
effective to be a long-term global leader.[ii]
Even superpower countries will have difficulty addressing global problems independently.
Therefore, allies and partners will increase the possibility of U.S. success
and reduce the risk potential. The U.S.’ unparalleled network of allies and
partners protects and advances its global interests.[iii] U.S.
global diplomacy includes cooperation with various nations in each region and
international organizations on a range of fronts; this is done to ensure that
the U.S.'s diplomatic influence encompasses the entire globe. Moreover, due to
their shared interests and values, liberal democracies find collaborating
simpler than non-democracies.[iv] Herein
lies the significance of democracy for the U.S. since it facilitates
transparency and the exchange of values that make it more straightforward for
nations to reach agreements. Therefore, the greater the number and quality of
democratic countries globally, the better for U.S. national and global security.
Intense diplomacy is advantageous, but a robust global economic sector must
also support it.
In
the economic realm, the NSS emphasizes international cooperation focused
on achieving shared prosperity, consistent with a liberal perspective. Developing
and sustaining a liberal economic order permits an open economic exchange
between nations.[v]
To enhance their economic conditions, most governments require the assistance
of other nations. Freedom and openness in trade will increase economic
interaction between countries, making it simpler for a country to meet its
economic needs and improve that country's well-being. In addition, the U.S.
has historically profited from international trade to foster global economic
growth, lower consumer costs, and enable access to other markets to promote
U.S. exports and jobs.[vi] U.S.
economic investment in allied and partner countries aims not only to improve
that country's welfare but will also have a long-term impact on U.S.
welfare. Simply put, the liberal economic system advocated by the U.S. is
predicated on global prosperity. As a significant producer, the U.S. requires
consumer nations, many of which are its allies and partners. As a result, the
more countries that become consumers of U.S. goods and services, the greater
the profits. On the other hand, economic growth can be used to bolster the U.S.’s
military power.
The
NSS emphasizes modernization and military strength to protect the U.S. national
interest from a liberal standpoint. Military power may be the most essential resource in an
anarchic international system.[vii]
This is a consequence of the notion that a nation's sovereignty is proportional
to its military strength. Despite the appearance of realism, the U.S.
uses its military power to support global diplomacy and economic processes that
align with its national interests following the views of liberalism. This
military power concentrates on defending the homeland and preventing attacks
and aggression against the U.S., its allies, and partners in case diplomacy and
deterrence fail.[viii]
The
predominance of U.S. military power internationally reflects the nation's
credibility as a global actor and serves as a bargaining chip in forming
international relations. Along with it, the U.S. also seeks to eliminate
obstacles to deeper collaboration with allies and partners in development and
production to maintain a shared military-technological edge.[ix] The
U.S. can potentially gain economic benefits from selling its military
technology and weapons. Eventually, U.S. diplomacy and economic dominance will
be disrupted without support from U.S. military power.
To conclude, the NSS focuses on the national interests of the U.S. and how to achieve them domestically and internationally. How the U.S. establishes global relations is crucial because it can affect the realization of American national interests. This paper assessed how the NSS can utilize diplomatic, economic, and military instruments of power lenses from a liberal perspective. Furthermore, the NSS is a platform for communicating with domestic and international audiences.[x] As a result, the NSS must be established comprehensively to guide the U.S. in achieving its national interests effectively. Additionally, allies and partners will find it easier to work with the U.S. if they have a better understanding of the intent outlined in the NSS, which is also in line with their country's national interests.
[i]. President J. Biden, National Security Strategy, (Washington: The White
House, 2022), 7.
[ii]. Matthew Kroenig, "The Democratic Advantage in Theory," in The Return of Great Power Rivalry: Democracy Versus Autocracy from the Ancient World to the U.S. and China (New York: Oxford University Press, USA, 2020), 16.
[iii]. Biden, " National Security Strategy," 16-17.
[iv]. G. J. Ikenberry, "Liberal Democracy and International Relations," in A World Safe for Democracy: Liberal Internationalism and the Crises of Global Order (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2020), 37.
[v]. John J. Mearsheimer, "Introduction," in The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2014), 16.
[vi]. Biden, " National Security Strategy," 34.
[vii]. Kroenig, " The Return of Great Power Rivalry," 17.
[viii]. Biden, " National Security Strategy," 20-21.
[ix]. Ibid, 21.
[x]. Rebecca
F. Lissner, "What is Grand Strategy? Sweeping a Conceptual
Minefield," The Scholar 2, no. 1 (November 2018): 63.
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